Tuesday, April 09, 2019

Shwe Kalaung, Jihad Watch: Seven Days in Rakhine: Day Two — The Bengali Siege of Kyauk Phyu


Seven Days in Rakhine: Day Two — The Bengali Siege of Kyauk Phyu

The 2012 siege of Kyauk Phyu began at the mosque near the edge of the Muslim quarter situated between two ethnic Rakhine areas, which is now an empty field. In order to reach the town center, ethnic Rakhines needed to cross the Bengali village. Adjacent to the now overgrown field remains a derelict house, which was shown to be the first house set ablaze, and it still had visible fire damage. Our guide was a witness when the Muslim violence in Kyauk Phyu erupted from the mosque.
He told us that the Bengalis were firing deadly weapons called “jingalies” at the onset of the siege from the heights of the mosque. These jingalies are sharpened metal arrows made from bicycle spokes with barbs on the end to tear flesh, being launched from high-powered slingshots which can bury deep into flesh, penetrating vital organs, eyes, bone and muscle tissue. Here, jingalies were coated in poison from battery acid, with the intent to kill.
Our guide said the jingalies shot from the mosque roof and minarets were like a rain coming from the sky, a hail of poisoned metal arrows. Bengalis fired 3-4 jingalies at a time on the frightened, defenseless villagers below. As the guide was hit in the leg, he ran for cover by a small water tower by the burning house, while he was trying to protect others from the attack. Ethnic Rakhine women and children were crying everywhere in the village. Villagers covered in blood were fleeing the scene with half a dozen jingalies sticking out of their bodies, easily penetrating their thin, cotton traditional clothes. Rocks and bricks were also being thrown from the mosque by the angry brigade of jihadists, hitting our guide in the head.
Eventually the police arrived and called a face to face meeting between the Muslim and Rakhine leaders, which did not stop the ongoing violence. The attacks continued, as more houses were being torched by Bengalis, who were throwing fire bugs and Molotov cocktails at Rakhine houses. Fire bugs are metal rings covered with rope and cloth which is doused in petrol that was stockpiled on Bengali boats prior to the attacks. The magnetic rings will stick to the nails and metal in the houses. The Bengalis had long swords and big knives, which they use in the halal slaughter of cows, whereas the ethnic Rakhines had no such weapons for these purposes. The guide told us that after the insurgency, the Bengalis lied by claiming the opposite, that the Rakhines attacked them with long swords. There was no evidence of any swords or large knives in the possession of Rakhines during our stay in Kyauk Phyu, or Rakhine. Weapons are prohibited in Myanmar. Even Bengali children were trained jihadist fighters in the insurgency. One of the guide’s friends was found decapitated by a sword from this siege in an ISIS-style execution.
A military attachment arrived to form a line around the Bengali quarter, and they called a curfew, but couldn’t control the army of over 1000 Bengalis. The military did not fire weapons, but sought to contain the situation. There were few arrests, compared to the number of violent participants. The witness told us that when Rakhines would try to put out the fires in their houses, they were met with a group of Bengalis amid the blazing smoke who tried to kill them with swords. So the Rakhines had to flee their burning houses without any of their possessions. Bengalis burned down their own empty houses to accelerate the fires throughout the village of ethnic Rakhines. Later, flames engulfed the Muslim quarter when the wind changed direction, destroying both Rakhine and Bengali village areas. A brigade of Bengalis with swords prevented the firefighters from putting out the fires, as detailed in Rick Heizman’s paper from 2012: Kyauk Phyu — The Truth Is Not Obvious.
Our guide’s relative lived across the lane from the mosque; his house was burned down as jingalies were shot through the bamboo thatch walls and roof. Imagine sitting in your house when a hail of deadly, poisoned metal arrows begins going through your thin thatched walls, whereupon flaming fire bugs are thrown onto your rooftop. Note that most houses in Rakhine are light structures, often being constructed from bamboo and thatched palm leaves, like a tinderbox in the dry season. The ethnic Rakhines didn’t know what was happening to them, as the attacks were a complete surprise even for the police and military, and lasted almost two days.
In hindsight, there were warning signs that the insurgency was planned ahead of time.  For instance, the Bengalis started to stockpile batteries and jingalies in their houses. In some cases, the residents could hear the mass production of jingalies in the weeks prior to the insurgency from the Bengali quarter. Witnesses indicate an increase in harassment from Bengalis leading up to the siege, as one schoolteacher crossing the Bengali quarter to work was shouted at “We are going to f*** you like Thida Htwe!”; in reference to a gruesome rape and murder perpetrated by Bengalis months earlier.
After the attacks, many of the Bengalis left by boat back to Bangladesh, while others were relocated to the No-Go Zone. Our guide mentioned that the ethnic Rakhines even helped Bengalis collect their possessions when they were being relocated. In the chaos, Hindus who looked like Bengalis were being mistakenly put in the No-Go Zone, where they would be murdered by Bengalis, so our guide had to help identify them to save their lives. The ethnic Rakhines who lost their houses and possessions still live in an IDP camp with blue tarps for a roof. We saw this IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camp from the overgrown field. The Rakhines still living in the IDP camps get no international help after living here for seven years, unlike the jihadists living in the No-Go Zone, most of whom have escaped arrest for the crimes in the jihadist insurgency.
To this day, our guide is still in disbelief to what he witnessed here. Many ethnic Rakhine people are permanently traumatized from the jihadist attacks on their lives, as all basic human sense of trust and security has been shattered, making any future co-existence impossible. The only solution here is to contain the violent Bengali extremists in the No-Go Zone in complete segregation. This No-Go Zone protected the residents of Kyauk Phyu from the 2017 Islamic insurgency, orchestrated by the ARSA Rohingya terror organization; it was restricted to the Bangladesh border areas of northern Rakhine. The ethnic Rakhines have an inherent, basic human right to safely live in their ancestral homeland without the fear of being slaughtered in the next jihadist genocide from hordes of illegal invaders.
One of the witnesses of the 2012 siege of Kyauk Phyu gave us a report with a photograph collection of the victims. More than 100 Rakhines were injured and killed in the jihadist siege of Kyauk Phyu by over 1000 Bengali Muslims in just this area alone. But the false narrative of the UN and its puppet governments and organizations continues to blame the ethnic Rakhines, with no support for the real victims of jihad still living in makeshift IDP camps. Not one ethnic Rakhine was interviewed for their false reports that blamed these people for their own horrific victimization.
It’s as if the murderous Bengali siege of Kyauk Phyu never happened.
Jihad Watch also includes content once posted on Dhimmi Watch, formerly a separate page on this site, tracking dhimmitude. Dhimmitude is the status that Islamic law, the Sharia, mandates for non-Muslims, primarily Jews and Christians. Dhimmis, “protected people,” are free to practice their religion in a Sharia regime, but are made subject to a number of humiliating regulations designed to enforce the Qur’an’s command that they “feel themselves subdued” (Sura 9:29). This denial of equality of rights and dignity remains part of the Sharia, and, as such, are part of the legal superstructure that global jihadists are laboring to restore everywhere in the Islamic world, and wish ultimately to impose on the entire human race.
If dhimmis complained about their inferior status, institutionalized humiliation, or poverty, their masters voided their contract and regarded them as enemies of Islam, fair game as objects of violence. Consequently, dhimmis were generally cowed into silence and worse. It was almost unheard-of to find dhimmis speaking out against their oppressors; to do so would have been suicide. For centuries dhimmi communities in the Islamic world learned to live in peace with their Muslim overlords by acquiescing to their subservience. Some even actively identified with the dominant class, and became strenuous advocates for it.
Spearheaded by dhimmi academics and self-serving advocacy groups, that same attitude of chastened subservience has entered into Western academic study of Islam, and from there into journalism, school textbooks, and the popular discourse. One must not point out the depredations of jihad and dhimmitude; to do so would offend the multiculturalist ethos that prevails everywhere today. To do so would endanger chances for peace and rapprochement between civilizations all too ready to clash.
But in this era of global terrorism it must be said: this silence, this distortion, has become deadly. Before 9/11 it was easy to ignore and whitewash dhimmitude, but the atrocities changed the situation forever. In jihads throughout history, untold millions have died. Tens of millions have been uprooted from their homes. Tens of millions have been stripped of their cultural identity. To continue to gloss over the destruction wrought by jihad ideology and its attendant evil of dhimmitude is today to play into the hands of jihadists, who have repeatedly vowed to dhimmify the West and destroy any recalcitrant elements. While jihadist groups, even with their global diffusion, are not strong enough to realize this goal by themselves, they have a potent and destructive ally, a genuine fifth column, in the dhimmi academics and dhimmi journalists they have recruited in the West. They have succeeded in confusing millions in the West into mistaking honesty and truthfulness for bigotry, and self-defense for oppression.
Before it’s too late for Western Europe and the United States, which gave birth to the traditions of freedom and equality of rights for all that shine today as lights in the entire world, this must be stopped. Therefore Jihad Watch seeks to bring public attention to:
  • The plight of the dhimmis, an immense but almost completely ignored ongoing scandal that continues in Muslim countries today;
  • The plight of women under Sharia provisions, similar to conditions imposed on dhimmis, in the denial of equal rights and dignity;
  • Slavery in Islamic lands, which continues today, justified by Sharia-‘s dhimmi codes;
  • The integral role of jihad and dhimmitude ideology in global terrorism today;
  • The license that academic and journalistic whitewashes of dhimmitude gives to radical jihadist enemies of human rights for all.
Jihad Watch fights to ensure that deeds done in the darkness for so long will not continue to be done. The light of world attention is anathema to the proponents of jihad and dhimmitude: we have seen in recent years that women sentenced to stoning for adultery, often victims of rape unjustly accused thanks to Sharia laws disallowing rape victims’ testimony, were freed following international outcry. Jihad Watch seeks to provoke similar, continuous and increasing outcry wherever and whenever the Sharia’s institutionalized injustices threaten dhimmis and women.
May the truth prevail.
ROBERT SPENCER is the director of Jihad Watch and a Shillman Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center. He is the author of nineteen books, including the New York Times bestsellers The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades) (Regnery Publishing) and The Truth About Muhammad (Regnery Publishing) and the bestselling The History of Jihad From Muhammad to ISIS (Bombardier Books). Forthcoming in 2019 is The Palestinian Delusion: The Catastrophic History of the Middle East Peace Process (Bombardier Books).
Spencer has led seminars on Islam and jihad for the FBI, the United States Central Command, United States Army Command and General Staff College, the U.S. Army’s Asymmetric Warfare Group, the Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF), the Justice Department’s Anti-Terrorism Advisory Council and the U.S. intelligence community. He has discussed jihad, Islam, and terrorism at a workshop sponsored by the U.S. State Department and the German Foreign Ministry.